Euskal Herria. An interview with Arnaldo Otegi, a militant separatist in prison (No. 6, February 2011) Interview with Marcelo 
publish on "Aldo" this interview on the current policy in Euskal Herria and the role of Abertzale left, exit to the Basque newspaper Gara "last January 11. This interview was conducted a few days before the declaration of ETA [in which he proclaimed a cease-fire permanent and verifiable general]. In the following pages, Otegi anticipates events, sequences of events and situations, some good some not, and reflects and responds to every detail. This ability makes a series of questions sent to a prison turns into a direct dialogue with Basque society. This is the result.
interview he has given us two years ago, already indicated as necessary an adjustment of the policy strategy of the left Abertzale (independent). Indeed, that respond to the urgent need to remove structural equation for our process of liberation, which summarizes so we can make: if more than a decade, given that there are objective conditions for political change in Euskal Herria and, no doubt, this change does not occur, what is the reason (or reasons) for this lack of change? The possible answers could be basically two: either we were wrong about the existence of the conditions, or the left Abertzale, acting as the main engine of change, maintained a strategy inappropriate to make this change will materialize. Look for the answer to this question is the task on which we build, develop and define our debate and our political challenge.
In this effort of readjustment cited as necessary to take into account some factors that define them as something new internationally. I basically two things: first, the finding in the same European framework feasibility of the absolute independence of the process if they had popular majorities achieved through peaceful and democratic strategies, and, in a social context, noting the 'existence of new transformative experiences built on the basis of strategies of accumulation, especially in Latin America, commonly known as the "socialism of the XXI century". In addition to these factors, it now includes the ferocious offensive of capital against the "welfare state" as a central element of analysis and must also occupy a space in retrofitting of our strategy.
Two years after that interview, he, again, more than one year in prison on the shoulders. Why do you think that they have arrested in October 2009, when it seems clear that the English government was aware of the work you were doing? They made a false accusation and we were imprisoned because they knew exactly what we were going to do and wanted to prevent it ... but they arrived late. There is a fact that must be clear: the factors stressed in the previous answer should be added in the case of the English State the profound crisis of what they describe as "the territorial model." This crisis model of autonomy does not only affect Euskal Herria, but also touched the Catalunya after the ruling of the Constitutional Court. And from there, adding the effects of the economic crisis on the solvency of the government, the same constitutional model. Today the State knows that a second transition is inevitable. Is there (in the preparation of the ground), for example, ideally we should place the document sponsored by the foundation and developed from 100 Everis economic actors of the utmost importance, or inclusion - neither innocent nor accidental - a question about the need for reform of the Constitution in the last survey of Centro de Investigaciones Sociólogicas (CIS). Similarly, it is clear that to address this process, the State sought a scenario in which the left Abertzale was, if not annihilated, at least neutralized politically, outside of institutions. This is the target of repression. That is our evolution seized them absolutely backbeat.
Arnaldo Otegi is a political reference, the main speaker, leader, symbol, even a number (used in the campaign for his release). Perhaps this is why there is this obsession to his person that seems to reflect, for example, in the last process [for the act of Anoeta]? obsession "Personal" against me, as a primary contact point or reference Abertzale left, I think it has the complementary objective of showing up and submit to a sort of Basque society "effect is an example." In any case I do not like to talk in personal terms. For this reason, now that gives me most of the credit of the evolution of the strategy of the left Abertzale, I want to say that it was made possible only through the efforts and contribution of a generation younger than mine, who has shown great maturity and responsibility. For this I express appreciation to all public and all, especially Sonia Jacinto, Arkaitz Rodríguez and Miren Zabaleta ... They have a lot more merit in the change that occurred within the left Abertzale.
What are you referring when he speaks of the inevitability of a second transition? (The first is the transition from the Franco regime to "democracy") I note that today nuclei in political, economic and media resources of the state are quite aware of the need for a revision of the model derived from the Constitution of 1978. This review and discussion on the contents of that arise because the current model in water on all sides. Through this review we want to achieve two objectives in particular: the problems permanently neutralize "domestic" model in the "territorial" and take advantage of the crisis to dismantle the welfare state already stunted. This is the challenge we face - neither more nor less. In the context of this debate pending and inevitable dare venture to understand what are the three main proposal on the table: there will be a position to try to prevent the debate itself, because it understands that the only opening would lead inexorably to the failure of "Spain "as the project feasible, is the actualization of the thought of Ortega y Gasset. The defenders of this position will be willing to only a partial debate on issues that do not consider structural (in short, a fraud). The second place with complete transparency, which will support the reform should have a clearly regressive and reactionary nature, which will pose as a target, for example, recovery from the State of powers assigned to the different autonomy (education, etc..), in addition to a modification the electoral law to ensure that so-called "nationalists" do not become the arbiters of governance at the end of the state. The mechanism to carry out this type of reform would go through a grand bargain between the State of the Partido Popular (PP) and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). And thirdly, we will put those who believe that the second transition should give rise to a scenario in which one accepts Pluri state and the right to freely decide their future for people like Basque, Catalan, Galician ... This is the context in which we prepared through a readjustment of our strategy. The left
Abertzale moves on the road you hoped for? Without a doubt. I am very proud of the honest self-criticism that we did. I think one of the keys to affect the contents of this second transition pendant is made of the new strategic challenge from the left Abertzale.
What is the strength of this process? The strength of the process (although we know that we will have to overcome fierce opposition the same) rests in our ability to anticipate policy and long experience of organizing and struggle he has shown our base of activists.
And what are its stages? What events should mark its development, immediate or future? I think the first major objective of the process in motion (as was collected in the Agreement of Gernika) is sufficient to create conditions so that we can develop and reach higher stages of development in the future. In any case, the events that could and should be expected, said in summary, should be: the assumption by the ETA of the contents of the Brussels Declaration and the Agreement Gernika, the legalization of the process of the left Abertzale and deactivation of these exceptions that apply to the collective of prisoners and to the left Abertzale as a whole. This scenario of political normalization should be driven by the Basque society through the mobilization and interpellations and pressure on the government for its current policies. Without fielding the sum of the forces, the commitment and democratic struggle, we will not achieve our aim of winning a new political landscape.
I think he had more or less uncertainty or internal resistance than expected? And those outside? Are foreseeable? When we decided to start this process of debate, In 2008, we were well aware that to the extent that touched the essential issues of our strategy would inevitably generate resistance in some areas of our broad social base. It would be strange (and disturbing) to the contrary. In any event, we decided to keep this process at national level of Euskal Herria and without giving any room for ambiguity or nor, even less, for complacency. Today, our base is very cohesive than the new strategy. This is important. In conclusion, I sincerely believe that the internal resistances have been what we had planned or, even, dare I say less.
Throughout its history the Left Abertzale had a very specific vision of armed struggle. It has changed or, as argued in its Fifth Assembly ETA, "every time requires specific forms of organization and struggle? The debate on the objectives and means of struggle is just a debate of all the organizations truly revolutionary. Revolutionary organizations created by the people and are at your service. This declaration of the Fifth Assembly ETA identifies itself with these reflections. I never knew so much self-critical or critical of militants armed struggle - for example in terms of its convenience, its real contribution to the process and even in terms of ethics - the same ETA militants. Believe me, ever! I repeat: the challenges facing the process of national liberation and social demand, as well summarized by the document "Zutik Euskal Herria" (Standing Euskal Herria), new organizational tools. To be clear: the current times call for the definitive overcoming of a politico-military phase and replacing it with a strategy of organizing, storing and exclusively democratic struggle. In the words of the title of the opinion that the five of us writing from prison inmates Estremera: new stage, new strategy, new tools and the same goals. This is the bet already on the march.
He feels the lack of a legal party? What is the price of that lack? How do you assess the latest initiative in this regard: submission to Iruñea (Pamplona), on 27 November, by about 300 militants significant, a basic document for the creation of a new political project and organization? The announcement of the fact that this new political project of the left Abertzale observe the Ley de Partidos has raised quite a few reactions ... totally and unconditionally support the initiative in the creation of a new training policy, made public to Iruñea, and I pay tribute publicly to its promoters. The need or otherwise of a legal code, ask the question in these terms: to deal with effectively to the challenges that we mentioned, we need the equal footing with the rest of the political? We need to equip ourselves with organizational tools that allow us to frame the most conscious and militant sectors of the working population? We need to be represented in the institutional struggle? And development of the struggle of the masses? ... And the answer is yes, without a doubt. As for the price, I'll tell you two things: the price to accept, for example, the conditions of the Ley de Partidos is insignificant when we compare with the price that our people would pay if we were not best placed to advance in the process of national liberation. And, secondly, there a single price that will not pay for ever: give up the struggle for independence and a socialist Euskal Herria.
senses anxiety about the forthcoming elections? And, if so, do you think it may have some influence on the bet - in the long term - of the left Abertzale? How can or should manage this anxiety? Or, to put it another way, how important is the time (real time and political time)? First feel growing anxiety in the fields of "union" because they know that with our mere presence throughout the electoral virtual reality that have tried to build around the "change" would collapse like a house of cards. In addition, our presence at the municipal "foral" clearly shows the true falsity of the lies about our supposed weakness or even our political defeat. Sad to say, but some put the maintenance of the violation of basic rights in accordance with his own election. The company should be aware of the falsehood and cynicism of many speeches, many political leaders who demand Abertzale convictions against the left, while not yet been able to condemn the Franco regime. That said, I feel a certain anxiety in our social base, the result of years of restrictions and limitations on our right to participate election. Well, the first thing I want to say is that our presence at the May election is crucial not only to overcome the reality of segregation and ideological agriculture policies that distort the will of Basque society and its institutional framework, but also to tie the irreversibility the democratic process in the complex mix of political and social actors. And secondly, as has already publicly supported, our bet goes far beyond this election and has a strategic component.
Why was it necessary strategic agreement with Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) (Social Democratic Independence Party)? First we should clearly differentiate our political project on the one hand, and our policy of alliances necessary to advance the process on the other. If we want to build a state, we must not lose perspective that this will be possible only having clear that the engine or the principal contradiction that underlies the process of liberation is that between Euskal Herria on one side and the other in Spain and France . And, secondly, we need to distance ourselves from the permanent interests ledgers from "politicaccia" to develop this stage of a true and genuine state policy. It is under these considerations that you must manage the contradictions that are undoubtedly present in every political process. The class contradictions, or other covenants in our policy, must be managed and resolved with intelligence, without branches, under any circumstances prevent us from seeing the forest.
The current crisis will require that you provide concrete alternatives: did you? The aim pursued the current financial oligarchy offensive is clear: dismantle the welfare state or in other words, destroy all the gains achieved in recent decades, the labor movement. The scenario presented to us by capitalism no doubt: the next generation will live in conditions worse than before, with more fear and less rights. This is the its alternative. That being the case and trying to tie me to the previous question, I would explain two things: defend the achievements of workers today, popular, substantial shape in what is called welfare state is an objective revolutionary antioligarchico. Two: the defense of these achievements need to propitiate the task itself as a broad alliance of fields ranging from socialism to social democracy, coming to the Communists, the areas of Christian base ... The independent block to be the framework for this alliance.
The agreement also gathers preferential relationship with the majority union: consider Langileen Eusko Alkartasuna (ELA) willing to compromise in journey towards independence? Both ELA that LAB, as well as all of the majority union, must contribute, from its scope, the strengthening of a genuine national and social alternative. That said, I note with satisfaction the presence of the union ELA in many protests, although it considers that its non-accession to the Gernika is not consistent since the environmental conditions that now exist have always wanted. In any case, I am convinced that ELA will also gradually adopting new and firm commitment. I am convinced of this. This
Partido Nationalist Vasco (PNV) is a traveling companion or an obstacle in the process? The process we have set in motion shall serve for a final policy clarification in Euskal Herria. All of us who aspire to create a state we have made a bet. Mr. Urkullu (leader of the PNV, NDT) mind when he says that he was not invited to form this alliance or the Agreement of Gernika: if the PNV there is because it has decided not to be. And he has decided because he believes that he still has sufficient room to develop a policy on the one hand "Soberana de Romero", while keeping a strict alliance with the PSOE (and if it was also the case with the PP), to bind to the brutal policy social cuts of the English government and Basque, and acting as if was spokesman for the Interior Ministry when it expresses opinions on the positions of the left Abertzale. Now the EBB (Euskadi Buru Batz, National Directorate of PNV, NDT) has decided to return to seek the agreement, the collaboration with the State in which democratic debate opened on the contents of the second transition. This is the current scenario, but the positions are not immutable, its evolution depends on the strength of the separatists. From here the prediction is clear: we will maintain at times collaboration spaces, other times confrontation. This is why the left Abertzale will always be prepared to encounter areas of cooperation and to build a scenario of all national recognition and respect for the will Democratic People.
Among other things, Zapatero said that the evolution of Abertzale left is the result of the positive approach that the English government brought forward earlier in the process: what's your response? wanted to go where I have already explained the reasons for change in our strategy, so that I disagree with this statement unless the intendessimo in the sense that we actually made a genuine and profound self-criticism on the position that we held earlier in the process of dialogue in which committing serious errors from which we draw the necessary consequences and that we're not going to repeat again.
What role should the government play English in the new process? How can the left or Abertzale Basque society to get the English State that changes phase? State, mind you, has no interest in changing because it believes that the current phase is winning and that the Basques are losing. When the state will change stage? When, through our struggle, the accumulation of forces and through democratic debate, concludes that it would involve more costs than benefits.
Why is it important foreign support? Why do you think the signers of the Declaration of Brussels and the promoters are in a certain way so much despised in Madrid as part of some parties in Euskal Herria? The presence of international observers allows us to move the confrontation of ideas and proposals for a scenario and a space in which our views are infinitely more powerful than those of the State, as well as reasonable because they clearly are scrupulously fair. Therefore, the contempt expressed by some sectors as their presence is directly proportional to their political weakness.
When it is his life in prison than other times? pulling a record of my years in prison I think I have begun to face the ninth year, so that by Herrera de la Mancha (one of the first maximum-security prisons built by the English state) until I lived here almost all stages of the Collective who lived through the years of its existence. Now and in the prison of Logroño, the only political prisoner who "lives" in my arm. In any case, in addition to practice sport and very much dedicated to reading, I always try to follow the advice of South African leader Nelson Mandela when ongoing training to regain their freedom.
What do you think that the role of political prisoners in this democratic process? The Collective Political Prisoners is an actor in the democratic process. Policy makers, unions, labor should open channels for communication with his official interlocutor. This would, from my point of view, to reach agreements that would make it possible to make our commitments. It is a suggestion that I want is widespread.
How and when should address the issue of prisoners in the process? The freedom of all political prisoners must be addressed early in the process of dialogue and negotiation, as the scope for negotiations between ETA and independent State, without expecting the political arrangements of decisive character.
What do you think of "movement" of prisoners which is leading the Ministry of Interior? All "movement" which the Ministry of Interior results through the application of what it is customary to define "political prisons" have had and have only one purpose: to ensure that the left Abertzale arrive at this juncture in history or neutralized, or divided or weakened as much as possible, clearly The basic reason is that they have understood that this is the only guarantee that we can not effectively influence their draft second transition.
What you can do really and effectively to stop the repression, the maxi-trial ...? I return an answer that I gave to a previous question, the state will stop the repression exercised in the current when you realize that in political, social and international, it generates more costs than benefits.
What do you think every time it is required that the left Abertzale condemn ETA - even now, at the height of its disbanding armed - and are taken as examples of leaders like Nelson Mandela and Gerry Adams? I think that even Mandela Adams claim or similar conditions in their respective processes. I insist: the state, the unionists, those who live the conflict (the bureaucrats of the security) does not affect the phase change that we have planned, clearly because they are fully aware that the same will bring, as a result, the need they change theirs, and they know that in a period of exclusive democratic debate we are much stronger than them.
In short, she is optimistic about the ability of the left Abertzale to cause a reversal of the final scene? Despite what is said, I consider myself a well informed optimist. This optimism does not mean not being aware of the enormous difficulties and the enormous obstacles to be overcome, which is why I wish to alert those areas with honesty and good will continue to believe that this or that commitment adopted by the ETA (for example, the Brussels Declaration, something which no doubt) would automatically a substantial change in the strategy of the state, this equation is not linear. Although it is clear that the state should adopt a management policy to build a scenario of final solutions. The process of reaching solutions must be a process owned by everyone and everyone must participate. This means: the Basque society will be the sole guarantor and real protagonist in a position to lead the process to a successful outcome. I repeat: without organization, the sum of forces and fight for democratic debate is not even the most reasonable of our goals.
What message would be transmitted to the company from his prison cell in Logrono? First, considering that we are in a period of Christmas, I wish to send a big hug to all the families of prisoners who are at having to celebrate again in the absence of loved ones. I also remember that some are forced to undertake journeys of thousands of miles just to see them. We know that our hearts and our feelings are and travel with them. Abertzale militants of the left, to family members of the last prisoners to our youth, the unemployed and the unemployed, the family who recently lost Euskaldun Xabier Lete (Basque poet, who died last Dec. 4), all I want to send a message that I resume the campaign of the companions of the Frente Farabundo Martí de Liberación Nacional (FMLN) in El Salvador: in spite of everything, "Smile, vamos a lucha. Irabaziko Dugua! Onward to victory!
