On October 6, 1981 Egyptian President Anwar El Sadat fell victim to an attack in Cairo. That day was celebrated in Operation Badr of 1973, under which Egypt during the Yom Kippur War, pushed Israel's borders to the east and regained the other side of Suez and Sinai. The occasion for the attack was not chosen at random: the discontent with President Sadat had grown up in the ranks above most radical Islamism, which accused the President that he had approached Israel, November 19, 1977 becoming the first Arab leader to officially visit the Jewish state. On March 26, 1979 Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin shook hands in the delighted gaze of the United States, namely, the Carter administration, at the edge of the Camp David accords. The peace agreements were worth to both the leaders (not Carter) the Nobel Peace Prize, Egypt and the Sinai, which owns the means of the exclusive on the Suez Canal (2009 to 3.7% of GDP ) and the main oil reserves of the country. Ironically, Sadat was just promoted the Yom Kippur War with the Prime Minister Hafez al-Assad, the conflict which brought him glory for several years in the eyes of the Arab world.
The murderess was identified Khalid Islambouli, a few years of them sentenced to death. Alleged instigators, the Muslim Brotherhood, a prime minister who could not bear to shake hands with Israel, to promote a pro-Western policy and put the ban religion from the political scene. It was not a mental construct exclusive wing Islamic radical: the agreements with Israel, Egypt was ruled by the Arab League in 1979, which moved its headquarters from Cairo to Tunis, to the readmission of Egypt in 1989. In the last years of rule, Sadat repressed forms of dissent (remember but not limited to the Bread Riot of January 1977) and struck hard human rights, civil and political rights, all in the name of a democratization of the country to search through a multiparty. In this light, July 9, 1978 Sadat founded his political party, the National Democratic Party (NDP).
After the death of Sadat came to power to his deputy, Hosni Mubarak, leader of the NDP. Martial law in force since 1967 was maintained, but in spite of the repression in the elections of 1984 and 1987 (both with a turnout below 50%), the opposition gathered more than 25% of the vote. It 'just Mubarack readmitted to the Muslim Brotherhood to the political scene, but did not forget to incarcerate the Third Movement leader, Umar al-Tilmisani right in 1984. Together with the Socialist Party Workers and the Socialist Liberal Party, the Muslim Brotherhood in 1987 created the Coalition of the Alliance, the largest opposition party with 17.5% of the vote and 60 parliamentary seats. The electoral system introduced by Mubarack monocratic has clear sections, so as to push the opposition to promote the dissolution of parliament and a referendum to formalize the unconstitutionality of the same. Sanctioned by referendum to be illegal (58% attendance and 94% of votes) shall be held new elections for the winter 1990 (attendance estimated at between 20 and 30%), however, boycotted by opposition parties. The Muslim Brotherhood remains the nineties for all the major pressure group in the country (Because no political party banned from the political scene and forced to stand as 'independent'). The political and civil liberties are being downsized by the government following the growth of the Islamic opposition and attacks: in 1993 he was issued the Law on Trade Unions, the Law on the Press in 1995 and in 1999 the law on NGOs. In the 2000 election the NDP won 353 seats (out of 454) and independents 72 (of these, 35 NDP and 17 affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood). In 2005, the position of the Muslim Brotherhood is strengthened, winning team (as independents) 88 seats representing approximately 20%, the NDP barely reaches two thirds of the parliament (necessary to amend the Constitution) only with the support independent of its affiliated. The Muslim Brotherhood's electoral success was remarkable and unexpected, probably not so much based on the policy agenda (of dubious consistency and summarized in the motto "al-Islam al-Hal," Islam is the solution), how about a reorganization of positions in religious matters and a more attack on the repression of the regime lashed shared by civil society. The recent parliamentary elections of 2010 were marked by fraud even more evident: the major opposition candidate, Mohamed El-Baradei, is proposing to boycott the elections, calling not collected by the New Wafd Party (NWP) and the Islamic Brotherhood. The first round of elections reveals the seriousness of the situation, inability to monitor the ballot box, hundreds of preventive arrests, grades sold and the major pole of opposition to a single seat: the Muslim Brotherhood decided not to present the second round. The opposition collects on average less than 5% of the seats: Mubarack had recently amended Article 76 of the Constitution opened the race for the presidential election of 2011 candidates from other parties, but by imposing a barrier of 5%.
revolution reopens in January and February 2011 on the power play in a state as important for Africa as for the Middle East region and the Islamic world. Mubarack had characterized the country in a direction of pro-American solidarity with Israel and opposing wing radical Islam, whether Hamas or Hezbollah. For the region's geopolitical changes could be important if not epochal, but first of all need to reform the country's interior. The lively Egyptian politics has been severely repressed for decades, and we must consider how to organize to promote a transition period without succumbing to the entourage of a scheme (about 3 million people) in life for decades. An important role will cover political Islam, until now excluded from the political scene, as opposed to (but not antithetical) to orthodox Islam: this delicate balance in the Muslim Brotherhood will be called into question and must juggle with skill to avoid drift and fundamentalist solidarity on human rights with the shreds of civil society alive.
Here are some examples of people in Egypt on the hottest days of the revolution, in which we asked questions. We start from an Italian who lives in Cairo, interviewed at the height of the revolt.
How did you spend the day 'hot' of the revolution?
After being more or less present to the events of initiatives, for four days I was barricaded in the house. Unfortunately, the latest developments of the revolution have forced me and many other aliens to protect us from the attacks of so-called blind and reckless promubarakkiani, ie mercenaries sold scheme for a small economic gain, rather than a bit and 'more targeted other individuals are not well identified, probably belonging to the secret services and others loyal to the regime police officers (in civilian clothes). I have also heard of people who entered the house armed, sometimes for only checks and searches at other times to pick up and bring to a police station, in other cases arrests (but this was mainly concerned with political activists and journalists Egyptians). In addition, there have been incidents of violence, particularly towards large international journalists, who have been targeted: in some hotels have even asked to leave for fear that they were looking for them, as indeed it was; in other cases they have beaten on the street, in the case of poor greek journalist was worse in the sense that he was killed. There were also reports of snipers in the buildings overlooking the square and surrounding streets, but it is not known with certainty, since the information are many and sometimes without appropriate filters are not exactly true spin entries or at least not from reliable sources and accredited.
What are your plans in the coming days?
Basically we have not understood what to do, it seems that we were a few Italians here now, and few foreigners in general ... we have no intention of moving for the moment, even if this forced seclusion begins to unnerve everyone. The drain mass of 'pale faces' from the land of the Pharaohs has also brought some benefit to those who remain: lower rents, jobs ... we say that apart from the looting of the above there is still also an opportunity to help rebuild a country's post-revolution, and great personal growth and everything else below.
What has changed with the departure of Mubarack?
Life slowly resumes its course, in the sense that the curfew comes a couple of hours later than the last two days, and even more than before, some neighborhoods were under siege began to revive, some stores have already reopened and the banks should reopen tomorrow. The bread and the vegetables are slightly 'increased, or, for the same price, the ration is reduced (which in a country where a large proportion of the population lives off state subsidies and commissions, is a problem!) Cigarettes are scarce and speculation on the price is really too much in some cases, the refills are the phone at times and not all companies, and so on ...
Here is now a chat with a friend of Egypt, present during the events.
What were the causes of the revolution? It 's a result of the revolt of Tunisia, or would break out in any case?
We can not hide the fact that there has been a contagion Tunisian, and revived the spirits of Egyptian us for three reasons: the election fraud of parliament, the prime minister's reaction after the attack at the end of December to the Coptic church, resulted in a punishment to the Minister of Interior, the spread on the Internet and on paper Printed from art to the claims of rights of the demonstrators.
Mubarack spoke to the nation. What reactions have you picked Egyptians after his speech?
The president's speech has convinced several protesters involved in the frontline to give up the fight. I am one of them: this man has betrayed us and we owe him respect. His speech was clear, does not recur in the next election and has accepted a request from the parliamentary the amendment of Articles 76 and 77 of the Constitution. He chose two highly respected to lead the transition. It seemed to me that he had accepted the requests of the people, Egypt is a key country and demonstrations must stop because they were accepted all our demands, except the banishment of physical Mubarack.
not think is an important part?
No: in the last thirty years, we felt secure and at peace, not a thief like other presidents who must make the flight, his exile would suggest a concern to foreign interference.
So you decided not to beat you and you went in the ranks of conservatives?
During the days I have seen the evolution of behavior Mubarack supporters and I returned on my steps this man does not deserve to represent the country, and the events that have occurred have condemned the image.
What happened to the supporters of the regime? The pro-
Mubarack have vanished once aware of being a minority in the streets. What
consider promising figures for the country's political scene?
I think that Prime Minister Ahmed Shafik is a decent person with a good reputation. He made promises to the people, and expect to see before judging his work.
Do you think this revolution will bring real change?
I think we have to change country day after day, but first needed to definitively by Mubarack.
What is your opinion of the Muslim Brotherhood?
The presence of the Muslim Brotherhood is accepted and is part nell'ordinarietà are an integral part of the country and is entitled to their civil rights.
What do you think the vice president, Omar Suleiman?
After hearing his speech I quote ABC News man on the list of corrupt Mubarack, as he said that the responsibility of the rebellion is all the Muslims.
conclude with the help of another friend, to work for a year in Alexandria, Egypt and returned to Italy in the days following the beginning of the revolution.
How did you live in a country at the dawn of a revolution? Sensed something strange in the air, in social relations, in the street? There were a pressure group, parts of civil society, political parties or religious groups are particularly active?
signals something "unusual" in Egypt have begun to appear immediately after the escape of Ben Ali in Tunis. The resonance of the uprising in the streets of Tunisia in Cairo and other Egyptian cities was seen for example in succession in the second half of January, a suicide that recalls Mohamed Bouaziz, Tunisia became a symbol of the twenty-six after having set fire to protest in the town Sidi Bu Said. In Egypt in those days at least dozen people have committed suicide in the same way - in the textile factories in the delta of the Nile in Cairo in front of Parliament - so that the University of Al-Azhar has finally issued a statement reiterating that Islam forbids suicide. In none of these people now remember the name, it has become 'martyrs' as Mohamed Bouaziz, but have been a signal, an invitation to imitate the Tunisian brothers wondered how it would be accepted. Do as in Tunisia is one of the words began to circulate in the network. I have come to know of the event on January 25, facebook page from the "We are all Khaled Said." Khaled is a guy from Alexandria, beaten and killed by police in June 2010 after have been taken from an internet cafe.
the police version is that the boy is dead for having swallowed a packet of drugs. The story had much resonance in Egypt and abroad during the summer and were held in Alexandria, several demonstrations against police abuses. From the same page, which now has about 850,000 subscribers, have been launched the celebrations on January 25, supported and promoted by opposition groups like the Movement of April 6 and Kifaya. The Muslim Brotherhood did not officially signed up and have taken a low profile, who maintained during the 18 days leading up to the fall of the regime.
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